Conservative Iranian

Lecture Archive

A Conservative Understanding of History and Man

چپ‌فهمی‌های چپ!/ فهم محافظه‌کارانه از تاریخ و انسان

SpeakerDarwin Sabouri @darwinsabouri
LanguageFarsi, translated to English
Full lectureWatch on YouTube
Excerpted here16 clips, 2,267 words

This lecture by Darwin Sabouri sets out what he calls a conservative understanding of history and the human being, against what he presents as the misreadings of the left. Sixteen passages carry it here, sixteen minutes drawn from a lecture of one hour and forty-two minutes. The gaps are large, one of them twenty-eight minutes, so what follows describes those passages and makes no claim about the rest.

His starting point is that a person stands at the far end of a line reaching back into the past and cannot step outside history. History, in his account, is not simply what happened but what people narrate about events, and the meaning those narratives carry forward. Using a family's wedding photographs, darkened by the later death of a child, he argues that the relationship with the past is dramatic rather than neutral, and that memory reshapes objects and recollection alike.

From this he builds a case against the mechanical reason of positivist inquiry. To treat human beings scientifically, he argues, ignores tradition, reduces a person to the present moment, and then to utility, so that much of human action reads as irrational or mad. He also charges historians who narrate ideologically while claiming neutrality with using the very storytelling techniques they accuse their opponents of using.

Along the way he draws on Tocqueville and Burke for intermediary groups and the isolated individual, on Leibniz for theodicy after the Lisbon earthquake, and on Roger Scruton for the distinction between dictator and tyrant.

0:12

Tradition and Human Nature

Conservatism begins by accepting that no one can step outside history.

0:12 to 1:30 Watch in the full lecture

We stand at the far edge of history, inheriting everything that came before. Darwin Sabouri explains why the conservative tradition guards the past instead of discarding it, and what a people loses when it forgets where it came from.

Read the transcript

In conservatism, you have to accept that this very moment, sitting here, you are at the furthest end of a line stretching from the past, and this is its furthest point for now. Meaning, you exist within history. You cannot step outside of history. Within this history, a few things matter greatly to us. That is, if we want to look at it philosophically, we return to the same question from the previous session, which is: exactly what is history?

What can we actually call history? In my view, when we approach social history, we need to elevate events, or a concept called the event, to a central place. Just as it is the same in individual history, meaning that elderly person who sits down and tells you about their past, their past is summarized in the significant events they experienced in life.

That is what it comes down to. Not in the things they went through every single day and repeated over and over. These events in an individual's life might include a love, a marriage, a child, an education, an emigration, a divorce, a love

2:23

Tradition and Human Nature

New awareness in one era can reopen the question of who its heroes were.

2:23 to 3:27 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri argues that history does not only move forward, since a single event can reach back and change the meaning of everything that came before, turning yesterday's hero into today's villain or the reverse. On his account the past is never finished.

Read the transcript

This event, which takes place in one part of social life, moves toward the past and changes the past. It changes the past. This changing of the past may, on one level, be the result of a new consciousness that has emerged. Meaning, a new awareness arises in your era, and through that new awareness, the collective in your era decides again: let me go back and look at history from a fresh perspective and retell it.

Meaning, let me go back and ask whether Mirza Kuchak Khan Jangali is still my historical hero or not. Let me go back with this new collective historical awareness I have gained, and ask whether Mohammad Mosaddegh can still be my political hero or not. So one part of consciousness is shaped through these different narratives taking form.

4:01

Tradition and Human Nature

A later grief reaches back and changes the meaning of objects and memories.

4:01 to 5:09 Watch in the full lecture

A wedding photo is full of joy until a later grief drains the color from it. The image never changed. What changed is what we know now. Darwin Sabouri uses this to show how the present reaches back and rewrites the meaning of the past, which is why memory is never neutral and history is never settled.

Read the transcript

But the death of a child darkens the wedding photos. It makes them dim and gloomy. Meaning when the parents go back and look at those photos from their wedding, they are now seen through the shadow of the child's death. The photos the mother had from her pregnancy with this child change their meaning.

Their meaning changes. They become an experience of pain. They become an experience of loss. The travel photos they had together. The videos they had together. The things they had bought together. The gift that had been given to the child as a birthday present, and the parent felt it was such a great gift.

It was a bicycle. It was a motorcycle, and that motorcycle remains, and the child is gone. Or, I bought this vehicle as a birthday gift, and he went out on it and had an accident. So it changes the past. It moves toward objects. It changes objects. It moves toward memory. And it moves toward recollection.

5:20

Tradition and Human Nature

History is guarded so that a new consciousness still has something to draw on.

5:20 to 6:01 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri argues that the conservative tradition guards history because the accumulated wisdom of those before us is not a cage but an inheritance, set against every generation's temptation to treat the past as dead weight.

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Why is this history important to us in the conservative tradition? Because we always worry that a rider is coming from history toward the future, and that through the ruptures we have made in history, or the paths we have closed off, this rider will not bring us a new message from history anymore. That is, in these events through which we become real, or in the new consciousness through which we become real, this new consciousness needs things from history to come and nourish and define that new consciousness anew.

6:31

Tradition and Human Nature

Age matters because what lasts has survived everything that could have ended it.

6:31 to 7:32 Watch in the full lecture

Age is not nostalgia, Darwin Sabouri argues: what survives the centuries has been tested by them, and that endurance is its own kind of proof. He draws the line from a simple antique to why a people honors its own long memory.

Read the transcript

Why does it have authenticity? Why does an antique actually matter? Because of its age. Why does age matter? I mean, you might ask why does age matter? Why, for example, in interpersonal relationships, does the length of the relationship matter? Not just the relationship itself. The fact that people have been friends for years.

That length of time matters. Not that we've been friends for six months and we're very close with each other. Age matters because it shows that you have, over this span of time together, across this range of many twists and turns, gone through it all and still, to this day, are by each other's side, passed through misunderstandings, gone through many events that could have driven you apart, and you made it through and are still together. together. So age matters from this perspective, really.

7:32

National Identity

Objects outlasted the idea that Iran was sacred and can carry it back.

7:32 to 8:28 Watch in the full lecture

An old object carries the idea that made it. Darwin Sabouri describes artifacts shaped by a belief that Iran was sacred, an idea later declared obsolete and, on his account, defeated. The objects outlasted it. They carry the message forward, he argues, available to anyone who later wants to recover what was set aside.

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that reaches us owes its value to its age, it is showing you: look, I have survived countless eras. My idea was declared obsolete thousands of years ago. I, as a cultural artifact, had an idea above me that had created me, an idea that believed the cow was sacred, or the lion was sacred, an idea that believed Iran was sacred, and that turned it into a cultural artifact.

Eras passed and passed, that idea was defeated. People came who, for thousands of years, said Iran is not sacred at all. But this survived, to bring that message back from history again, so that if you ever wanted to return to something like what you had in the past, this could come to your aid, this idea could come to your aid.

11:01

Spontaneous Order

Positivist reason turned its instruments on history to sort the false from the true.

11:01 to 11:25 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri names a certain kind of thinker who takes the mechanical reason of the positivist sciences and turns it on history like a magnifying glass, sorting which parts of the past were false and which were true. He then asks what such an instrument can actually measure.

Read the transcript

Those who thought that we could use that mechanical reason found in positivist fields, and with it we are making sense of the world, and with that same approach we should go, meaning take that same magnifying glass and that same instrument in hand, and now turn to history, and then figure out where history has been false and where it has been true, without this

11:28

Tradition and Human Nature

Social history is what people narrate about events, not only the events.

11:28 to 12:46 Watch in the full lecture

What we call history is never only the raw event. It is the event plus the story a people tells about it afterward. Darwin Sabouri unpacks why that telling matters as much as the event itself, since on his account whoever controls the narrative holds real power.

Read the transcript

without acknowledging this importance, and without pointing out that social history is not simply what happened. It is what people narrate about those events, and the effect that those events and those narratives make possible for the future. Even at the individual level, even memory is not a neutral relationship. The relationship with the past is a dramatic one.

That dramatic relationship with the past helps shape how we understand ourselves. In the history of nations, it is not a flaw that you take certain things and pass them on, or that you pass others by, based on the understanding and knowledge your community has. That is simply how history works. History is bound up with story.

Which nation, even if it tried, could have a social history that exists outside the stories that nation tells about itself and about its past? So, there you have it.

12:51

Tradition and Human Nature

Whoever narrates a history has the power to brighten some parts and hide others.

12:51 to 14:16 Watch in the full lecture

Every history has a narrator, and the narrator decides what to show, what to hide, and how it all reads. Darwin Sabouri compares the historian to a first-person narrator who can play God with the account.

Read the transcript

there you have it. Remember, first: if someone tells you that this history of yours, viewed through a mythological lens, social history viewed through a mythological lens, meaning it is inseparable, because personal history works the same way. Each one of us, when we want to tell our own story, depending on what we intend to convey, we elevate certain parts and show them more brightly, and we hide other parts.

Whenever a person is able to be the speaker and the first-person narrator of a story, they will have, like God, this power, this will, and even this freedom to alter parts of the story as they see fit, or to hide them. That is what a first-person narrator is. The same applies in literary genres as well.

The omniscient narrator works the same way. The omniscient narrator in literature goes into the mind, goes behind all events and explains their reasons, but remains hidden. And this is the power that this narrator has regardless, and can make use of this power.

19:42

National Identity

Historians who narrate ideologically cannot call an opponent unscientific.

19:42 to 21:03 Watch in the full lecture

A historian who writes ideologically cannot then accuse an opponent of being unscientific for doing the same, Darwin Sabouri argues. His example is a final chapter that describes Ayatollah Khomeini as a charismatic and powerful social leader. If neutrality is the standard, he says, observe it in your own work before writing the history of a country.

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when you want to mention the second Pahlavi, and when in the final chapter you want to mention Ayatollah Khomeini, you keep calling him a charismatic leader, a powerful social leader of Iranian society. I can understand that you are, after all, caught up in ideological history. I can understand that, and I can also show you that this is the case.

But you cannot use the very same things that you yourself use to push your agenda, those techniques, those tricks, those methods that you use to advance your own ideological history, and then accuse your opponent, saying you are doing this, or that because you are using these tricks that I myself am using here in a hidden way, and you are using them too, therefore I can say you are unscientific.

If this method matters to you, meaning neutrality, meaning avoiding narrative and storytelling and all of that, then whenever you have actually observed this in your work, in your historiography, and have shown us that you have observed it, then go ahead and write the history of an entire country. They keep saying Iranians did not think because they have no reason. These are the same things these friends say, and then Mr. Shamlou

24:32

Tradition and Human Nature

Lisbon's earthquake of 1755 forced a question about a just and all-powerful God.

24:32 to 25:58 Watch in the full lecture

A great earthquake destroyed Lisbon in 1755, and it shook Europe's faith as much as its walls. Darwin Sabouri uses the old problem of evil, how a just and all-powerful God permits suffering that falls on the innocent at random, to probe how we make meaning when reality refuses to be fair.

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in the philosophy of religion, we have a concept called theodicy, which when you want to define it it goes back to something like, for example, the justice of God. The term theodicy is taken and used in the sense of God, in its modern form, roughly from the eighteenth century onward, taking shape with works like those of Leibniz, for example.

An earthquake struck Europe in 1755, known as the Lisbon earthquake. About one eighth of the city's population was killed, something like fifty thousand people perished in this earthquake. An important question came to the minds of those people who had been sleeping under the shelter of God and resting in the warm embrace of God.

And that question was: if God is just, if God is all-powerful, if God is merciful, then how can this earthquake be understood? How can natural evil, which is outside of God, and God is certainly all-powerful as we said, how can this evil be understood in the fact that fifty thousand people in our city die, children die, women are crushed under these boulders, what wisdom is hidden in this? The concept of theodicy was coined by Leibniz

43:25

Spontaneous Order

Reducing a person to utility ignores tradition and makes ordinary action look mad.

43:25 to 44:24 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri argues that a purely scientific view of man is itself unscientific, because it ignores tradition, shrinks a person to the present moment, and then to utility, so that ordinary behavior gets filed as irrational.

Read the transcript

Their argument was that you simply cannot understand society in this way. The attempt to rationally understand human beings and society is unscientific. Let me put it better, the attempt to understand society and human beings scientifically, and purely viewing human beings and society scientifically, is itself an unscientific endeavor. Yes, exactly. Because first of all, it ignores tradition, it reduces the human being to the present moment, and then reduces the human being to utility.

Now if you try to use this utilitarian framework to approach many human actions, they become incomprehensible, or they get translated as acts of madness. Meaning these actions appear irrational, because this action brings no benefit to this person, so why is this person doing it?

46:57

Tradition and Human Nature

Happiness and love may be products of misunderstanding rather than full knowledge.

46:57 to 48:00 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri offers the idea that happiness and even love may depend on a certain not-knowing, and that total clarity would dissolve them. He presents it as a provocation worth sitting with rather than a doctrine to accept.

Read the transcript

Let's keep this in mind: at least in my view, happiness and the feeling of being happy are the product of misunderstanding. If that misunderstanding did not exist between us and the situations in which we feel happy, then you would never encounter a happy person. Just as love, too, is the product of misunderstanding, and that misunderstanding matters.

What I want to say, in short, is that insisting on fully knowing a situation, or fully knowing a circumstance, or insisting on fully knowing the person you admire or are interested in, I don't think that insistence is particularly wise, sacred, or useful. To love someone, you have to encounter some misunderstanding, and both of you need to hold some misunderstandings about each other. Part of it is not knowing everything.

1:01:46

Individual Rights

Losing the groups between a person and the state leaves them alone and part of a mass.

1:01:46 to 1:02:46 Watch in the full lecture

Strip away family, faith, and the small communities that stand between a person and the government, Darwin Sabouri argues, and you do not get a free individual. You get an isolated one, easy for power to sweep up. Echoing Burke and Tocqueville, he shows how a society of atomized individuals becomes a mass, and how a mass becomes ripe for tyranny.

Read the transcript

Tocqueville takes his ideas from Burke. He says that when a person becomes detached from groups like family and religion, meaning the intermediary groups that stand between himself and the state, two things happen at once. He becomes profoundly alone, facing the monster of the state. And second, he becomes part of the mass, because he has lost his group.

In the 19th century they debated the idea that a person's power came from his membership in these groups, which allowed him to push back against the state. But once he loses those groups and then surrenders his own freedom as well, what happens? He becomes part of the mass, and then through democracy the mass turns into tyranny. The oppression of the people by the people takes place. Now Tocqueville

1:30:51

Authority and the State

Sabouri reads Scruton's 1984 article on Iran as separating the dictator from the tyrant.

1:30:51 to 1:31:37 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri traces a distinction between arbitrary power and tyranny, and reports that Roger Scruton took it up in a 1984 article on Iran. On Sabouri's account of that article, the Shah was a dictator but not a tyrant, because dictating terms to a society in pursuit of modernity and welfare is not the same thing as oppression. Scruton's own term was autocrat.

Read the transcript

He draws a distinction between arbitrariness and tyranny. He makes this distinction, and later Scruton, in that article about Iran, raises it. He has an article from 1984 about Iran in which he discusses the position of the Shah. He says the Shah was a dictator, but he was not a tyrant, and he distinguishes between the two.

He says it is possible for a political leader, in order to advance his own goals, which are modernity and welfare, to dictate certain things to society. But this dictating of things to society should not be equated or treated as synonymous with oppression or tyranny, because tyranny has a different meaning. He says

1:37:53

Authority and the State

In a democracy, tyranny goes after the mind and leaves the body alone.

1:37:53 to 1:38:42 Watch in the full lecture

Darwin Sabouri, drawing on Tocqueville, describes a soft despotism that needs no prisons. It asks only that you think like everyone else, on pain of quiet exclusion, and public opinion polices the mind more effectively than any censor.

Read the transcript

but in democratic republics, tyranny does not enter through that path. In democratic republics, tyranny, without paying any attention to the bodies of individuals, goes directly after their souls and minds. The language of power in a democratic society is this: either you must all think like me, or face death. Power says: you are free and you are at liberty to hold views that differ from mine.

No one will threaten your life or property. But from the day your way of thinking is no longer like mine, within this society you will find yourself living as a stranger. Of course, your privileges and civil rights will not be taken from you, but you will derive no benefit from those privileges and rights. Because if

Books and Thinkers Referenced

Darwin Sabouri draws on the following thinkers across this lecture. No work is named aloud in the excerpted passages, so any title below is an identification of ours rather than the lecture's. Descriptions are ours too, offered as a starting point for readers new to them. The Scruton and Jangal entries were checked against sources for this page; the others rest on settled general knowledge.

Mirza Kuchak Khan Jangali: Leader of the Jangal movement, an armed uprising in the forests of Gilan from 1915 that opposed Russian and British interference and called for land reform and provincial autonomy. He had come up through the Constitutional Revolution. In 1920, after the Red Army reached Enzeli, the movement proclaimed a short-lived Soviet republic in Gilan with him at its head, in an alliance with Iranian communists that soon broke down. He ordered the execution of the communist leader Haydar Khan Amu-oghli in September 1921, and within months, with Soviet backing withdrawn and Reza Khan's forces advancing, the movement collapsed. He froze to death in the highlands on 2 December 1921. The lecture names him as an example of a hero whose standing each generation reopens, and the historiography bears that out: he has been read as an incorruptible patriot, as a nationalist misled by advisers, as a religious martyr, and as a proto-revolutionary. Ervand Abrahamian argues those readings are largely incompatible, and notes that he was a social conservative who at times worked with the Qajar court, and that his republic commanded a few hundred fighters rather than a mass movement.

Mohammad Mosaddegh: An Iranian political figure the lecture names as an example of a political hero whose place in the national story a community may reconsider from a fresh historical perspective.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi: The lecture refers to the second Pahlavi in a discussion of how historians narrate figures, contrasting how a ruler is treated in ideological historiography.

Ayatollah Khomeini: The lecture points to him as an example of how an ideological historian may frame a figure as a charismatic and powerful social leader, illustrating the narrative choices built into historical writing.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: Named as the thinker who coined the term theodicy and whose work marks its modern form, invoked here alongside the 1755 Lisbon earthquake as the moment the problem of natural evil pressed on faith.

Alexis de Tocqueville: Cited for the argument that when a person is detached from intermediary groups such as family and religion, he becomes both profoundly alone before the state and part of the mass, and for his distinction between arbitrariness and tyranny.

Edmund Burke: Named as the source from which, in the lecture's account, Tocqueville draws his ideas about the person and the groups that stand between him and the state.

Roger Scruton: English conservative philosopher, 1944 to 2020. The article the lecture points to is "In Memory of Iran," published in The Times on 6 November 1984 and reprinted in his collection Untimely Tracts in 1987. Its conclusion is the one the lecture relays, that the Shah's rule was not tyranny, but Scruton's own term is autocrat rather than dictator. An autocrat, he writes, may preside over a representative parliament, an independent judiciary, a free press and an autonomous university, and he places the Shah alongside Kemal Atatürk in sharing that vision. The dictator and tyrant wording is the lecture's paraphrase. Scruton sets out the more technical version, lawful power against arbitrary power, in his Dictionary of Political Thought of 1982, with no reference to Iran.

About this page

These clips are excerpted from a longer lecture in Farsi by Darwin Sabouri and translated into English by The Conservative Iranian. The transcripts on this page are our translation and not the speaker's own words in English, and any error in them is ours. Which passages became clips is an editorial decision of ours, not the shape of the lecture itself. Where two clips overlap, each one is published in full, so a sentence you meet twice is intentional and every argument stands on its own.

Watch the complete lecture on Darwin Sabouri's channel, @darwinsabouri. If you found this useful, the best thing you can do is subscribe to him there.

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