Conservative Iranian

Lecture Archive

Why Was Khomeini Seen in the Moon?

چرا خمینی در ماه دیده می شد؟

SpeakerAbbas Suri & Benjamin Suri @Parsi_Live
LanguageFarsi, translated to English
Full lectureWatch on YouTube
Excerpted here7 clips, 1,327 words

This lecture takes its title from a well known story of the 1979 revolution, when supporters claimed to see Ayatollah Khomeini's face in the moon. Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri treat that image as a starting point for a larger argument about what they call the left, and how a political movement replaces an inherited identity with a constructed one.

The lecture summarizes the left in three moves. First, it argues, the left is hostile to history and to legend, and once it discards them it must fabricate a substitute narrative, reading the past through class struggle. Second, it wants to replace the historically formed reason a people inherits with a single abstract or calculating reason, a tendency the speakers associate with a rationalist reading of Kant. Third, it reduces all human problems to financial ones, which they illustrate with Khomeini's early promise of free water and electricity. Against this the lecture sets an Iranian identity it describes as thousands of years old, drawing on Edmund Burke's idea of a historical reason and on the qanat as an image of a civilization that built its own rivers.

Along the way the lecture characterizes named figures, including Ali Shariati, Jalal Al-e Ahmad, and the historian Ervand Abrahamian, as agents of this rewriting. Those characterizations are the speakers' own, and the transcript does not present those figures answering in their own words. It also reads the Constitutional and Mahsa movements as demands for freedom before equality.

2:13

Authority and the State

The left, as the speakers define it, rejects history and legend, replaces inherited reason, and reduces every problem to money.

2:13 to 3:46 Watch in the full lecture

Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri trace three moves in how a movement dismantles a nation's inherited understanding of itself: erasing history, replacing inherited reason with pure calculation, and reducing every human problem to money. Iranian political history, in their account, offers a clear case study of the pattern.

Read the transcript

If I want to summarize the left in three points, which we will also discuss in more detail as we go, let me define them: one of its problems is anti-historicism and, brazenly, anti-mythologism. The logic of the argument is that later it tries to build its own history and fabricate its own narrative. This is a notable issue because later the leftists realized they could not take away the symbols people had lived with for thousands of years and put nothing in their place.

The second issue, which is very significant, is that the reason, the understanding you have inherited from your own history, they want to take that from you and replace it with a single calculating reason or give you a pure reason instead. This is what, for example, the greatest book on this subject we have, Kant's "Critique of Pure Reason," is about, meaning that ahistorical rationalist tendency they speak about in this context.

And the third issue is reducing all human problems to financial matters. That is why when Ayatollah Khomeini arrives in Iran by plane and goes to Behesht-e Zahra, the first thing he wants to do is make water and electricity free. All problems are financial.

5:32

National Identity

After 1979, in this account, schools taught the history of Arabia in place of Iran's own several thousand years.

5:32 to 6:55 Watch in the full lecture

Iranian history was not so much erased as rewritten, recast as class struggle by people who could not remove it outright. Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri describe schoolchildren after 1979 learning Arabia's genealogies while never reading a line of their own land.

Read the transcript

There is a recurring issue: leftists initially believed they could take all of history and throw it away, discard it entirely, and build a world that would have no need for history. But over time they realized that human beings and the human cognitive apparatus are such that when you are looking at the world, you look at it through symbols by which you understand the world, through a language by which you understand the world.

So they realized they had to bring this back and put it in its proper place. They then began trying to read history through the lens of class struggle, which is exactly what Abrahamian does in his book: rewriting history with a different narrative. For example, when the 1979 revolution happened, they discarded all of that several-thousand-year history of this country.

History now begins 1,400 years ago in Arabia. Every single one of us knows who the son of some Umayyad figure is, where he ate, where he drank, what happened to him. Especially those of us who, for example, went to school in the early 1360s, we know the history of Arabia from our textbooks, but we never had the chance to read even the smallest line from the history of this land. Naturally, they take your history away from you and try to build a different history for you instead.

10:39

Tradition and Human Nature

Burke's historical reason, the speakers argue, is what stories like Khomeini in the moon were built to replace.

10:39 to 12:49 Watch in the full lecture

Iranian identity rests on a historical reason, the understanding a people inherits across centuries rather than calculating fresh. Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri connect Edmund Burke's argument to the legends built after 1979 and to a civilization that rose without a great river.

Read the transcript

These stories about seeing things in the moon, these stories about, I don't know, pointing fingers, all of this goes back to what the left throughout history tries to construct. If it cannot construct it, it cannot overcome the identity that you inherited. Look, there is an issue here. When Edmund Burke is speaking, at the same time as the French Revolution, he says we have a historical reason.

Now, what is this historical reason? It is the reason that existed in the middle of civilizations in the East and West that existed on their own, without a river. You know, for example, Mr. Touraj Daryaee, the director of Iranica, who is currently managing it, writes in the introduction to the Oxford History that civilizations like India, Egypt, and Mesopotamia were water-based civilizations, formed alongside water.

Iran was able to gain mastery over all three of these civilizations, even though it was not itself water-based, meaning it had a smaller population too. It had a smaller population and less water, meaning the rivers that should have sustained this civilization were replaced by qanats, meaning it built its own rivers rather than going to live beside an existing river.

Look, you have a historical reason that invented the qanat, that built rivers, created civilization alongside them, and gained mastery over civilizations far greater than itself. Look, the left wants to take this history from you, to take from you this functional reason that was passed down to you as an inheritance. What Edmund Burke writes about in his "Reflections on the Revolution in France," written in 1791, a book he wrote maybe 25 or 35 years ago, he is saying the left tries to take this from you, to take your entire past heritage from you, and at the same time sell you a reason that right now has no history, no identity, to sell you.

18:16

Tradition and Human Nature

To take an inheritance from a people you must first make them doubt it, a method the speakers trace to Marx.

18:16 to 19:40 Watch in the full lecture

Cultural inheritance is rarely seized outright, it is first made to look suspect to the very people who hold it. Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri trace this to Marx, who framed ideology as a cover for class interest across the whole of history.

Read the transcript

Look, there is one issue. If they want to take something from you first, they have to give you a doubt, they have to plant a doubt in you. You know, for example, Marx makes a notable point. He says ideology is a cover for interests, so-called class interests. Meaning he says the one who in reality held a particular class position throughout history produced ideas that serve as a cover for that.

So therefore, everything you have inherited has been in service of keeping the ruler in place. That is why they say you must see history as a struggle between these classes. For this reason, when the revolution happened, I remember with one of these people, I don't remember that exact moment, but when the revolution happened, someone said to one of the singers, why does so much of our music throughout history carry sadness, and why does the music they play, the work they perform, sound that way?

And the answer was: because Iran's history has had 2,500 years of monarchy. You see, when you look at it, you then realize, ah, this statement traces back to that statement of Marx.

35:01

Individual Rights

In this account, the 1906 Constitutional Revolution was a demand for freedom rather than equality.

35:01 to 36:29 Watch in the full lecture

Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri read Iranian constitutional history as a society asking for freedom and room to act rather than asking for equality. They note the Constitutional Revolution preceded the Bolsheviks, arriving while Tsarist Russia was still standing.

Read the transcript

Not only is there no sign of it, but we are living right in the middle of that inherited legacy that has come down to us. Let me point out one thing and turn attention toward the Constitutional Revolution. It was one of the events that took place in 1285, roughly 120 years ago. 1906.

The Bolshevik Revolution in Russia had not yet happened. Tsarist Russia still existed. Look at the Constitutional Revolution and ask whether Iranian society actually had such demands. Iranian society wanted freedom and room to operate, so it could work more freely. Iranian society at that time was not really chasing equality. It was freedom, which is what we on the right emphasize, not equality.

Because in the real world, is anyone truly equal to anyone else in terms of what they achieve, their talent, their ability to benefit from what exists? When you have freedom, you have the ability to build on certain qualities that have come to you by nature, and to cultivate them through greater effort.

38:50

Tradition and Human Nature

Citing Tocqueville on Islam, the speakers argue that a society built on equality loses its freedom first.

38:50 to 39:28 Watch in the full lecture

Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri cite Tocqueville, writing around 1830, that Islam centers on equality more than on freedom. They treat this as an old answer to why some traditions lean toward equality rather than toward liberty.

Read the transcript

and in 1979 as well, this question of why Islam has such left-leaning tendencies. Tocqueville, around 1830, said something remarkable, something written roughly 196 years ago. He said Islam is more centered on equality than it is on freedom. A very short sentence, but a very significant one. A society that wants to derive its values from equality will almost certainly find that the first thing it loses is freedom. And what the left

39:42

Individual Rights

Equality was the promise sold in 1979, the speakers argue, and freedom is the only path to Iran's rebirth.

39:42 to 40:33 Watch in the full lecture

Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri note that Iran's 1979 revolution was sold on a promise of equality, one many people are being offered again today. They argue a free society keeps its hands free to rebuild, which is the only way forward.

Read the transcript

Didn't you want these things? Don't you want the government to come and make everything equal for you? To give me as much as it gives you, to do all of that. So come, let's form a government, a state together, where we are all equal. Weren't these exact things sold to us in 1979?

And yet, a society that is free, that society, even if it chooses to let part of itself be destroyed in order to be reborn, has its hands free, it is free to do that. This is the most important sentence. This is the greatest legacy that humanity has. And as a consequence, if we want a rebirth in Iran, if we want to build a great civilization again, one that leaves others speechless, there is no path, no path at all, except through freedom.

Books and Thinkers Referenced

Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri draw on the following thinkers and works across this lecture. Descriptions are ours, offered as a starting point for readers new to them.

Critique of Pure Reason by Immanuel Kant (1781): The lecture invokes this work as the major statement of the ahistorical, rationalist tendency it associates with the left, the drive to replace inherited historical reason with a single pure or calculating reason.

Reflections on the Revolution in France by Edmund Burke (1790): Cited as the source of Burke's idea of a "historical reason," an inherited, functional reason grown out of a people's own past, which the lecture contrasts with a rootless reason it says the left tries to sell in its place.

Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville (1835): The lecture draws on this work for the observation that Americans hold religious tendencies while also admiring prosperity, used to argue that Iranian tradition has likewise admired the prosperous and the well-off.

Immanuel Kant: German philosopher whose Critique of Pure Reason the lecture treats as the fullest expression of the rationalist, ahistorical outlook it critiques.

Edmund Burke: Writing at the time of the French Revolution, he is presented here as a defender of historical reason and inherited heritage against a reason stripped of history and identity.

Alexis de Tocqueville: The lecture attributes to him, writing around 1830, the claim that Islam is centered more on equality than on freedom, and uses this to argue that a society deriving its values from equality tends first to lose its freedom.

Karl Marx: Cited for the argument that ideology is a cover for class interests, which the lecture presents as the root of the leftist move to read all of history as class struggle and to treat inherited ideas as tools for keeping rulers in place.

Friedrich Nietzsche: Invoked for the claim that morality is a cover for the will to power, a formula the lecture says leftists apply to figures such as Cyrus to reduce their acts to the pursuit of power.

Ervand Abrahamian: Named as a historian who, in the speaker's characterization, rewrites Iranian history through the lens of class struggle, imposing a constructed narrative onto past events.

Ahmad Shamloo: Iranian poet whom the lecture describes, in the speaker's account, as reinterpreting the legend of Zahhak and Fereydun at UC Berkeley through a class lens, casting Zahhak as an uprising against a class structure.

Ali Shariati: Cited as an author whose work the lecture characterizes as selling lies and, in the case of Fatima is Fatima, as staging a rebellion against one's father and mother, an example of what the speaker calls the left's break with inherited identity.

Jalal Al-e Ahmad: Referenced through notes read during the lecture and through his work A Stone on a Grave, offered as an example of a writer who, the speaker argues, could not himself become the model he urged on the people.

Ayatollah Khomeini: Invoked through his arrival in Iran and his speech at Behesht-e Zahra, where his early promise to make water and electricity free is used to illustrate the reduction of all human problems to financial ones.

Touraj Daryaee: Named as director of Iranica and cited for his introduction to an Oxford history, where he describes India, Egypt, and Mesopotamia as water-based civilizations, a point the lecture uses to stress that Iran built its own rivers through qanats.

Cyrus: The founding Iranian king whose conquests, including in Mesopotamia, and whose respect for local gods the lecture cites as examples that leftists, in the speaker's account, reduce to a mere will to power.

Arthur Christensen: Referred to through a book on the bravery of Iranians, drawing on the account of a Buddhist traveler, used to argue for a continuous Iranian way of understanding the world.

About this page

These clips are excerpted from a longer lecture in Farsi by Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri and translated into English by The Conservative Iranian. The transcripts on this page are our translation and not the speaker's own words in English, and any error in them is ours. Which passages became clips is an editorial decision of ours, not the shape of the lecture itself. Where two clips overlap, each one is published in full, so a sentence you meet twice is intentional and every argument stands on its own.

Watch the complete lecture on Abbas Suri & Benjamin Suri's channel, @Parsi_Live. If you found this useful, the best thing you can do is subscribe to them there.

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